Subject: Men, Women, and Sex ---- By Irving Kristol Date: Published: 5/12/92 (185 lines) Source: Wall Street Journal. Copyright Dow Jones & Co. Inc. Board of Contributors: Men, Women, and Sex ---- By Irving Kristol When one's ideological certitudes give birth to a world that is different from what one anticipated, this is normal and consistent with the natural order of things. For the world is always recalcitrant about our certitudes, and our ability to shape the future is never as powerful as we think. Even Madison and Jefferson, at the very end of their lives, had cause to worry whether the nation they had helped create four decades earlier had not wandered from its original destiny. But the Americans of the 1830s had few such doubts. The American republic was a popular success, even if it wasn't quite the republic Jefferson and Madison had dreamed of. If an ideology is robust and realistic enough, the eventual imperfections in its realization are no cause for disillusionment. But what happens when one's ideological certitudes give birth to a world that is the opposite of what was anticipated? That is what happened to 20th-century communism, with results we are now familiar with. And that is what is happening to our liberal certitudes about sex -- about the proper relations between the sexes, and the role of sex in a civilized community. Who would have thought, back in 1950, that we would today be handing out condoms to high school students in a desperate (and surely doomed) attempt to stem the astounding increase in teen-age pregnancies? Is that what "sex education" has come to? Who would have thought we would be witnessing an alarming increase in venereal disease (including a fatal venereal disease, AIDS)? Who anticipated an incredible upsurge in male homosexuality and lesbianism? Who could have imagined that our sexually liberated popular culture would be featuring movies of sexual aggression, with men engaged in serial murders of women and women killing men to protest sexual oppression? This is entertainment? If one goes back and reads the "progressive" literature on sex from 1900 on, none of this was anticipated and all of it would have been regarded as impossible. Moving closer to our own time, if one goes back and consults the extensive literature on "sexual liberation" that emerged in the 1950s and 1960s, one can say flatly that this set of ideological certitudes has produced an absolutely contrary reality. "Repressions" and "taboos" are gone, and free sex seems to be generating anxiety and anger and misery without end. A century of liberal social thought about men, women, and sex lies in ruins about us. One can understand and even sympathize with the fervor of this "progressive" movement when it is seen against the background of Victorian repressiveness of sexuality, and especially of women's sexuality. But if one limits oneself to this perspective, one fails to understand that Victorian morality, which actually antedated Victoria's inauguration by several decades, was in its own way a phenomenon of "women's liberation" -- which is why Victorian women were so much more insistent on this morality than were the men. There were rebels, of course -- modern feminism was born in the Victorian era. But this feminism was focused on a demand for equality of legal and political rights. When it came to sex, most Victorian feminists -- always a minority -- were just as "prudish" as their non-feminist sisters. Victorian women were close enough to the pre-Victorian age to see, as we cannot, the clear benefits the Victorian ethos bestowed on women generally. True, this ethos idealized women in an absurdly unrealistic way -- put them, in theory at least, on a pedestal. And living on a pedestal is the kind of life sentence that real women can find intolerable. On the other hand, it has its advantages over living in the gutter, which is where most women struggled to survive prior to the Victorian elevation. From the plays of Shakespeare to the novels of Fielding, the distinction between a tiny minority of aristocratic "ladies" and a vast majority of "women" -- if young enough, "wenches" -- was accepted as a matter of course. "Ladies" were never beaten by their husbands. "Women" commonly were. What the Victorians did was extend the category of "lady" so that all women could potentially enter it, and so that all middle-class and lower-middleclass women were in fact automatically enrolled. That all women could be "ladies" was a bold Victorian invention. So, indeed, was the parallel notion that you didn't have to be born a gentleman to be one. You could become one by education and self-improvement. And one of the marks of a gentleman was to treat ladies with respect. There are still remnants of this Victorian ethos occasionally to be seen today, though mainly among those beyond a certain age. When men stand up when a lady enters the room, when they offer their seats on a bus or train to a standing lady, when they hold the door for a lady to precede them -- all those little acts of deference define a relationship between a "lady" and a "gentleman." It is a relationship that our younger, more "liberated" generations find close to incomprehensible, even indefensible. Women today are keenly interested in "equal" rather than deferential treatment. As for men -- well, let a college president announce what used to be a cliche, that one of the purposes of a university is to produce "gentlemen," and he will be laughed out of his profession. But what has replaced the ladies-gentlemen relationship as a norm for relations between the sexes? Freedom, confusion and disorientation, all embellished with a veneer of "equality." Sex is indeed natural, as our progressives keep telling our young. But the equation, natural = innocent, is a modern fantasy. In reality, sex is the least innocent of human transactions. That is why it needs to be guided by rules that circumscribe this relationship in a civilized way. It is a fact of our human nature that casual sex is likely to be demeaning to women -- at least to most women, most of the time. The "dating game" as it is now played is rigged in favor of men. For men, the sexual act can represent a neat combination of power and pleasure, with the woman an agreeable "sex object." For women, it tends to be suffused with more generalized human emotions, and there are not many women who want to go to bed with sex objects -- though, if they feel they have no choice, they will. Our media, trapped in a progressive mode of thinking about sex, keep desperately trying to pretend that this difference does not exist. So do our universities, as they blithely crowd their students into mixed dorms, even mixed shower rooms. In both cases, we are presented with the myth of modern, liberated women, usually pursuing a professional career, who can "handle" sex as easily, as calmly, as confidently as their male counterparts are presumed to do. It is a myth that has ruined countless lives. It is the unreality of this myth that fuels the energy of a radical feminism -- i.e., anti-male feminism -- so that the sexual act itself appears as a form of sexual oppression. It also helps inspire the lesbian movement, about which there is little that is gay. Both are reactions against the ideology of "sexual liberation" -- but, still imprisoned as they are within this ideology, they dare not say so. Take the current fuss about "sexual harassment." Those of us who have memories of an earlier time have no trouble understanding that women are insisting that men should behave more like gentlemen, less like predatory boors. But our modern women can't say this, because it suggests that they might wish to be treated like "ladies," and they have been taught that there is something invidious in the categories of "ladies" and "gentlemen." Instead, they fall back on their "right" as individuals not to be subject to sexual aggressiveness. "Rights" seems to be the only acceptable language today. The trouble with this rhetoric is that it creates confusion. It tells men that they are to treat women with respect and circumspection -- but without explaining why women's sexual identity merits such treatment. Or take the issue of pornography, which has split the feminist movement wide open precisely because no one can figure out what "rights" are being violated by it, while the apologists for pornography can point to their rights under the First Amendment. Now, no one can doubt that pornography is degrading to women. It does not, however, violate their "rights." What it does is debase the womanhood of women. But within the dominant ideology this too is unsayable. The history of the ideology of "sexual liberation" remains to be written. But there is no question that the popularization and vulgarization of the writings of the early Freud played a major role. It is he who taught us that our sexual discontents were distortions inflicted upon us by our older inhibitions and taboos. Most Americans, and certainly all "enlightened" Americans, still seem to believe that. It is too bad that they have never consulted the writings of the later Freud -- notably "Civilization and Its Discontents." Freud reversed himself as he came to the realization that a degree of sexual repression was the very source of civilization itself. He still distinguished, to be sure, between neurotic repression and rational social repression. But our culture seems to have lost the intellectual and moral capacity to make (and live with) such fine distinctions. --- Mr. Kristol, an American Enterprise Institute fellow, co-edits The Public Interest and publishes The National Interest. (See related letters: "Letters to the Editor: Who Are You Calling a Lady? " -- WSJ June 3, 1992) [This article is made available here by Dow Jones Co. for the personal and non-commercial use of callers to this bbs, in the hope that it will be of some help to those who are suffering from the disease and others who are seeking to help them.]